Take 1: Mumbai, November 16, 1991 --- A Special Task Force, led by Additional Police Commissioner of Mumbai, Aftab Ahmed Khan, surrounded & killed Dawood Ibrahim’s henchmen, Maya Dolas and Dilip Buwa, along with four others. They were holed up in an apartment in the Lokhandwala Complex, which was owned by Shiv Sena criminal-politician Gopal Rajwani for mega-mobster Dawood Ibrahim. It was later alleged that Dawood, who wanted the Police to wipe off these traitors in a fake encounter, had tipped off Khan.
Take 2: NCR, September 22, 1998 --- Shri Praksh Shukla, the dreaded Uttar Pradesh criminal, involved in 26 cases of murder and abduction, was killed during a joint operation of the Crime Branch of the Delhi Police and the Special Task Force of the Uttar Pradesh Police at the Delhi-Ghaziabad-Noida border.
Take 3: Mumbai, April 7, 1999 --- Two gangsters were killed in encounters with the Police in separate incidents. Santosh Shetty, a member of the Manchekar gang was shot dead by the Kalyan Police at Lokgram in Kalyan (East) at 4.10 pm. At around 7.45 pm, Mangesh Dhotre of the Chhota Shakeel gang was killed in an encounter with the Anti-Extortion Cell (North-West squad) near Nanavati Hospital at Santacruz (West).
Take 4: Delhi, November 3, 2002 --- Delhi Police (Special Cell) shot and killed two men, reportedly Lashkar-e-Taiba operatives at New Delhi’s AnsalPlaza shopping complex. The Police claimed the two men were Pakistani terrorists and were killed in an ‘encounter’. However, a local doctor, Dr. Hare Krishna, claimed to have witnessed the event, and alleged that the encounter was fake one.
Take 5: Chennai, July 27, 2003 --- K. Veeramani, a local hero and an alleged rowdy, who had more than 30 cases against him, met a bloody end at the hands of the Police on the afternoon of July 27. The Police sources said two Sub-Inspectors opened fire at Veeramani in self-defence after he and an accomplice attacked them with knives.
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
“Where the suspect poses no immediate threat to the officer and no threat to others, the harm resulting from the failing to apprehend him, does not justify the use of deadly force to do so.”
- Byron R. White, J.
INTRODUCTION
Perhaps, when Justice White said these words, he could not have contemplated the implications of his words in the contemporary Indian democracy. Police are agents or agencies empowered to use force, other forms of legal coercion and legal means to effect public and social order. The term is most commonly associated with Police departments of a state that are authorized to exercise the Police power of that State within a defined legal or territorial area of responsibility. The word comes from the Latin politia (“civil administration”), which itself derives from the Ancient Greek word, πόλις, which stood for polis (“city”). The first Police force, comparable to the present-day Police, was perhaps established in 1667 under King Louis XIV in France, but the first modern Police force is also commonly said to be theLondon Metropolitan Police, established in 1829. Policing has included an array of activities in different contexts, but the predominant ones are concerned with order maintenance and the provision of services. Alternative names for Police force include constabulary, gendarmerie, Police department, Police service, or law enforcement agency, and members can be Police officers, constables, troopers, sheriffs, rangers, or peace officers. The notion that Police are primarily concerned with enforcingcriminal law was popularised in the 1930s with the rise of the Federal Bureau of Investigation as the pre-eminent “law enforcement agency“ in the United States; this however has only ever constituted a small portion of policing activity.
The quantum of “force” used has been long regarded a yardstick of the policing abilities of a Police force. Force, here, goes much beyond the standard use of force doctrine employed by Police forces, as well as soldiers on guard duty. The aim of such a doctrine is to balance security needs with ethical concerns for the rights and well-being of intruders or suspects. In the event that members of the public are injured, this may give rise to issues of self-defence as a justification. In the event of death, this may be a justifiable homicide. However, the recent policing trends have been more than inclined and determinate to employ the excessive force to fulfil their duties. To reduce the crimes and the attached duties, Police organisations all over the globe have often been accused of resorting to use of more than necessary force for the execution of the same. These indictments have even gone to the levels declaring that these enforcement agencies have been the cause of eradication of criminals rather than the attached crimes. Police encounter, as these executions are commonly known as, is the term used to explain the killing of an individual, by Police or law-enforcement agencies, who was either a declared offender or a militant or curiously a “subject of interest”. The term legally points towards the phenomenon of extra judicial killings or executions, which haven’t been duly authorized by a Court or by the law. Although these encounters are effectual in culminating both, the crimes and criminals, their legal and moral implications cannot be ignored. Are the Police well within their legal limits while conducting such extra-judicial killings? Are they violating any of the Human Rights of those who are killed in such encounters? Are these criminals humans at all, who should be entitled to any Human Rights whatsoever? Should the eradication of crimes or elimination of the criminals be the ultimate Police goal? And last but not the least, what should the law shelter: the criminals’ Human Rights or the Police’s criminal acts? By the means of this article, an effort has been made to afford an insight into these intricate but viably pertinent issues.
The chilling fact that a human being can kill another one; that too in broad daylight without the fear of being apprehended, is a Human Right nightmare. Police encounters or extra judicial killings are not a new phenomena for Indian democracy. Though, this not-so-legal act has changed its position of acceptability in the public psyche within past few years, it is still viewed as a legal taboo in the Police fraternity. Recently all of the India viewed how Gujarat Police officials took a supari to ‘legally’ murder an alleged terrorist by the name of Sohrabuddin Sheikh. Nowadays, Police taking law into their own hands has become common place. The policemen are trained officials, who crack open the cases by just holding onto a thread of clue. Though this may sound like a ‘Sherlock Holmes’ novel, but it is upon those clues that policemen investigate and apprehend the accused behind the crimes. But what happens if the case is a high profile one or there aren’t enough clues available for the Police? What if the mounting public and administrative pressure takes its toll on these trigger-happy Policemen? What this results in is the evidently visible use of force and brutality coupled with a blatant misuse/violation of both humanitarian and legal norms. The consequential employment of ‘illegally’ legal Third Degree torture techniques and the draconian encounters is a clear indication of the steep fall of morals and discipline in the Police forces all over the country. Be it Assam, Jammu & Kashmir, Manipur, Mizoram, Maharashtra, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, or more recently, Gujarat, Policemen and their atrocities have left no State of India untouched.
THE GUJARAT GHOSTS
Coming to the hottest incident on the media’s anvil, the Gujarat encounter cornered the State Government, along with the concerned officials of the joint operation by Gujarat’s Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) and Rajasthan Police Force. A journalist Prashant Dayal, first broke the story in November, 2006. According to him, it was alleged that Sohrabuddin was a big goon in Rajasthan, involved in extorting ransom from big marble merchants and rich builders. It was alleged that some Rajasthan-based businessmen arranged for Rs. 2 Crore supari to be given to the Policemen for killing Sohrabuddin. But the stage was set in Gujarat, instead of Rajasthan. The Police picked up Sohrabuddin and his wife, Kausarbi, along with a close aide, Tulsiram Prajapati from a APSRTC bus near Sangli, Maharashtra onNovember 22, 2005. The inquiry led by IPS officer Geetha Johari brought out some important facts. Police officers, led by DIG D.G. Vanzara, SPS R.K. Pandian & Dinesh M.N., took three of them to one Girish Patel’s Disha farmhouse in Illol (Vanzara’s home village near Himmatnagar town of Gujarat), tortured them and then killed Sohrabuddin in a fake encounter at Narol Juhapura (outside Ahmedabad) on November 26, 2005. Then, the Police officers feared that Kausarbi would spill the beans. The involved officers killed her and then burnt the body near a river on November 28, 2005. Tulsi was let off at that time, as he was an (Police) informer. But when newspapers started reporting the fake encounter, expectedly, the news about Tulsiram being killed on November 28, 2006 in Banaskantha district also came out. Curiously, the Police at that time had claimed that Sohrabuddin, belonged to the Pakistan linked terrorist group Lashkar-e-Toiba and was planning to assassinate Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi in order to avenge the death of Muslims killed in the 2002 Gujarat violence. More recently, the Gujarat CID filed a charge sheet against three IPS officers — D.G. Vanzara, R.K. Pandian and Dinesh Kumar M.N. — and 10 other policemen in the Sohrabuddin Sheikh fake encounter case. Incidentally, an incident of ‘encounter killing’ was reported on January 13, 2003 in the Gujarat. Police in Ahmedabad shot dead 25-year-old Sadiq Jamal Mehtar, who, they alleged, was on a mission to kill the Chief Minister. Police claimed they fired at him “in self defence”. In October 2002, another ‘militant’, Samir Khan Pathan, who had allegedly planned to “kill Modi” had been killed in an ‘encounter.’ One cannot help but wonder as to how popular Modi is with Pakistan and its sponsored terrorists!
INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE AND NATIONAL STATUS
Fake encounters, a common trend in India and its neighbouring nations, is a legal sin in many-a-developed nations. The U.S. State Department has maintained that although the Government of India “generally respected” the human rights of its citizens, “numerous serious problems remained” pointing, among other things, that Police and security forces “were sometimes responsible for extra-judicial killings, including ‘staged’ encounter killings and custodial deaths.” Washington has taken the position that security officials who committed human rights abuses “generally enjoyed de facto legal impunity”, although there have been numerous reports of investigations into individual abuses and punishment to those responsible. This US report and its statistics are a noticeable evidence of the blotched Indian policing systems. As observed by the US State Department, “court action in cases of extra judicial killings is slow and uncertain.” Human Rights Watch (HRW), a United States-based international non-governmental organization, has urged the Government of India to launch a credible and independent investigation into all “disappearances” and fake “encounter killings”, particularly in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, since militancy began there in 1989. India’s neighbours, especially Pakistan, are not too far behind India in this race for the ‘coveted’ title of a heartless State. Amnesty International’s 1998 Report elaborates the same sorry state of affairs within Pakistan. At least 120 possible extra judicial executions were reported. At least 428 people were sentenced to death and at least four were executed. In at least 30 of these supposed “encounter killings”, the victims were reported to have been in police custody before being deliberately killed. In other cases, police shot dead criminal suspects rather than attempting to arrest them. State officials colluded in abuses by private individuals and religious groups. Armed opposition groups were responsible for deliberate and arbitrary killings of civilians.
International human rights law prohibits the arbitrary deprivation of life under any circumstances whatsoever. Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that “everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.” Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) provides that “[e]very human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.” Article 4 of the ICCPR states that this right cannot be waived “even in times of public emergency threatening the life of the nation.” Moreover, under Article 2(3)(a) and (b) of the ICCPR, State parties are obliged to ensure that remedies are available to the victims of human rights violations and that those remedies are effective. Extra judicial killings clearly contravene the right to life. The Indian Government ratified the ICCPR in 1979. By ratifying an international treaty, which enshrines the right to life, India is obliged not only to respect that right in principle, but also to take effective measures to ensure that extra judicial killings do not occur in practice. Although the right to life is enshrined in Article 21 of the Indian Constitution, the increasing incidence of extra judicial killings in India demonstrates that the Government has failed to take effective measures to ensure that the right is respected in practice.
The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in 1996, submitted a report to the Supreme Court that established that in just three crematoriums of Amritsar, as many as security forces between 1984 and 1995 carried out 2,097 illegal cremations. Of these victims, the CBI identified 582 who were all non-terrorists. The Committee for Coordination on Disappearances in Punjab (CCDP) identified over 1700 victims and their families. According to the Indigenous Nationalist Party of Tripura (INPT), the police and paramilitary forces have killed at least 53 innocent tribals in fake encounters in the past three years and in each case the errant personnel got away scot-free. In April 2007, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) indicted five army officers for the extra judicial killing of five villagers at Pokhribal in March 2000. The officers were charged with fabricating evidence to support their claim that the men were foreign fighters killed in an “encounter” with security forces. On January 4, 2006, a National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) cadre, Raja @ Sukanto Debbarma was allegedly killed by combined force of policemen and Tripura State Rifles (7th Battalion) Jawans in an alleged fake encounter at Golaghat under Bishalgarh subdivision of Tripura. On May 24, 2006, one Sohanveer was killed by police in an alleged fake encounter at Mawana in Meerut district. In April 2006, the Supreme Court taking cognizance on a letter written by co-accused Shailendra on the killing of one Brahmpal, in a staged encounter in December 2005 sought a detailed enquiry report from the Uttar Pradesh Police to be filed in the court. In November 2006, a fast-track court in Basti district of UP sentenced 17 policemen including then Station House Officers of the Dudhara and Mehndawal police stations, P.K. Rai and Ram Bishun Yadav respectively, to life imprisonment on the charge of killing 11 innocent persons in a fake encounter in Karhana village of Basti district on the night of July 28-29, 1986. Recently, the persons accused of staging and executing Bhagalpur mass-encounter, which preceded the notorious riots, were brought to book when Additional District and Session Judge Shambhunath Mishra awarded them life sentences. However, India, especially Mumbai, in 2004 did see encounter killings tapering down, with Mumbai’s cops gunning down only 13 alleged criminals in the past 11 months!
It is quite pertinent to note that National Confederation of Human Rights Organizations (NCHRO), in association with Amnesty International (India), had convened a National Convention on Encounter Killings, on 26 June 2007, (U.N. Anti Torture Day) in Mumbai. Amongst the expected deliberations, the issues of State’s responsibility and the extra-judicial killings by members of the police forces, the Armed Forces and Para-military security personnel in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Manipur and Tripura and by the State armed police in Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Gujarat in the name of eliminating naxalites, terrorists or criminals was also discussed. Unlawful preventive detention statues such as Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958; Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967; Prevention of Terrorism Act, 2002; National Security Act, 1980; Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1987; etc. and derivative state legislations were also denounced. Furthermore, the Convention’s report formed a part of the suggestions submitted to the Central Government.
NOOSING THE TRIGGER: A CONCLUSION, SOME SUGGESTIONS AND REMEDIAL MEASURES
It is quite noticeable that these encounter killings are motivated by pecuniary, political or even personal profits. However, the Indian legal systems incapability to put a noose on the same is a shameful, yet alarming fact. But what are the real, or moreover so, the legal factors behind these killings remain unexplored. Following reasons are the principal contributors to apathy of our legal system:
1. The Indian Government has failed to ensure the adequate investigation of all complaints and reports of extra judicial killings. Without adequate investigation, there can be no hope of prosecuting and convicting the perpetrators. Moreover, India’s national human rights body, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), has not proved to be an effective body in combating these killings. Its ineffectiveness is exacerbated by the Indian Government’s failure to give adequate consideration and attention to the NHRC’s recommendations in this regard.
2. The Indian Government has failed to ensure the prosecution of culprits behind these executions. The government’s failure extends beyond the mere failure to prosecute. Moreover, under the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, the sanction of the Central or State Government is required to arrest or institute criminal prosecutions against public servants, including police officers and members of the civil or armed forces.
3. The deeply entrenched problems within India’s judicial system contribute to the climate of impunity that allows extra judicial killings to occur. As observed by the US State Department, “court action in cases of extra judicial killings is slow and uncertain.” Such delays impede the process of bringing to justice, the accused in many cases, making conviction impossible due to the length of time that has passed.
4. The successive governments have failed to establish an adequate compensation system for the victim’s kith and kin. There is no statutory right to compensation for families of victims of extra judicial killings. In failing to provide adequate compensation, the Indian Government is failing to meet its obligations under international law.
5. It is well documented that the armed and security forces are rarely held accountable for the commission of these killings. Moreover, a perpetrator is more likely to be caught by way of an internal disciplinary hearing than under the general law.
6. The Indian Government has failed to satisfactorily demonstrate its opposition to extra judicial killings. Indeed, it is being suggested that both the Central and State Governments actively encourage the practice. For example, it is being alleged that Central and State Governments have funded auxiliaries and rewarded police officers, who commit these encounters. Such actions strengthen the conclusion that the Indian Government has adopted an official policy sanctioning the commission of these killings.
These discussed heinous executions have been taking place right under the nose of our legal system and its guardians, but they have done nothing more than act as mere mute spectators to this constitutional evil. Instead, the executive functionaries involved in these have been elated to the demigod status in the policing fraternities. ‘Celebrated’ policemen such as Daya Nayak, Pradeep Sharma, Rajbir Singh, Suresh Manchekar, Praful Bhosale, Ravindra Angre, Vijay Salaskar, Pradeep Sawant, Sachin Vaze, etc. are some examples of the kahki-men spilling blood to gain fame and power. Many Indian films have also been made depicting police encounters as the lead actor, who is portrayed as a borderline ‘vigilante’ and doesn’t hesitate to cross professional, legal and ethical boundaries in pursuit of his own vision of ‘justice’. Movie such as Ab Tak Chhappan, Encounter: The Killing, Vaastav, Kagaar, Garv, Risk, Shootout at Lokhandwala, a Kannada film, Encounter Daya Nayak and a Tamil film, Kaakha Kaakha have glorified these encounters but none of them has bothered to point out their dark sides. Hollywood’s Dirty Harry is another example of the hyped up fictional, yet encounter-specialist cop, Harry Callahan.
Be it Ansal Plaza shootout in New Delhi, or Sohrabuddin Sheikh fake encounter case, more or less every encounter, the Police story or the logic provided by the State to the people, is too innocent to compared only with the Aesop’s fables. It seems that statement, ‘there was a ‘bad man’ who fired at the police, and police in retaliation fired back to him and he died on the spot’, is one that the Police officers are made to learn by-heart at Police Training Academies throughout the country. The right to life is the most elemental right of a citizen, and its continued abuse in India through the commission of extra judicial killings is intolerable. Adhering to the following suggestions may check these excessive and flagrant intrusions of an individual’s most fundamental right:
1. Implementation of urgent and effective measures to stop fake encounters, disappearances, custodial violence, custodial death and extra-judicial killings by police, special squads and security forces;
2. Reforming the criminal justice system and the Indian Penal code, by beginning the process to repeal all special legislation that enable a culture of torture and impunity;
3. Preventing cruel, inhuman or degrading punishments by authorities;
4. Stopping discrimination and violence against women, indigenous peoples, dalits and minorities;
5. Strengthening the status of the NHRC, State Human Rights, Minorities Commission and other statutory bodies;
6. Protection and rehabilitation of the victims of encounter killings and other police atrocities by offering them affirmative compensations;
7. Ratifying UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention Against Torture) by amending Indian statutes;
8. Maintaining a National Register of the Missing persons, victims of torture, custodial deaths and encounter killings under the supervision of the NHRC;
9. Establishing Public Grievance Redressal mechanisms to take cognizance of excesses committed by police and armed personnel;
10. Prosecuting executive officials who have been accused of executing fake encounters, illegal detentions and custodial violence and other inhuman crimes; and
11. Ensuring that departmental promotions, in pursuance of encounters by an official, are effected only after a through intra-departmental enquiry in each case.
Each nation must strike a fine ethical and political balance between protecting its security and the rights of its people. In India, the choice of the executive, and even the judiciary, have tilted mostly in favour of permitting the uniformed forces to break the law of the land with impunity, even to kill, especially in times of perceived threats to national integrity cheered along by most segments of the middle classes. Policemen themselves often claim that are motivated by a higher love for the nation. Many are, but not those who kill unarmed people in defiance of the law of the land. A faked killing is not an aberration of a few runaway miscreant police officers; it is an integral if shadowy element of the system itself, one in which the State eliminates people outside the process of the law, as an instrument to tame civic dissent. These bullets indeed crush with State terror and lawlessness, the weakest and most disenfranchised of our people, particularly if they are restive - religious and ethnic minorities,dalits and tribal people, agricultural workers and slum dwellers. These are the very people who are excluded from that ‘nation’ which the trigger-happy police forces claim to defend. The moral of the ‘story’, thus, is, “its time to wake up”.
“There are only two choices: A police state in which all dissent is suppressed or rigidly controlled; or a society where law is responsive to human needs. If society is to be responsive to human needs, a vast restructuring of our laws is essential.”
- William Orville Douglas